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Letter to Hong Kong Our people have made 1 July a day in history. 500,000 people took to the streets to protest against the national security bill, and clamoured for a return of political power to the people. The sheer weight of numbers and the orderliness they have shown speak volumes. Hundred of thousands poured into Victoria Park under the scorching heat. Thousands jammed outside Victoria Park for several hours waiting for their turn for the headcount. Protestors waited patiently for hours for their turn to march without complaint. Among the sea of marches were lawyers, medical professionals, artists, journalists, students, and people from all walks of life. Demonstrators chanted slogans against the national security bill for fear that it may curb free speech and rights. Others called for an independent investigation into SARS. Many said they have had enough. The most resounding call of all was for Mr. Tung to step down. All chanted angrily but peacefully. How could these 500,000 peaceful demonstrators be "misled" to protest? And how could they have turned up because they have nothing better to do on a day off? The outpouring of frustration and anger on a scale not seen since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 is much more than a protest against the national security bill. And it cannot simply be an outpour of anger against arrogant officials who belittle the masses with dismissive comments. Many have been plagued by unemployment, salary cuts, and tax hikes. Others are dissatisfied with the slow response of the government to the Sars outbreak, and its inability to live up to its avowed goal of accountability. Above all, they are tired of a government that does not listen to its people. Frayed as the social fabric may be, the strongest protest they ever made was through this peaceful and orderly demonstration that awed the whole world. While it would be unfair to blame Tung for all that ails Hong Kong, the demonstration is a wake-up call for the administration to reflect upon the masses' outrage at its unwillingness to listen to the people. More importantly, it signifies a vote of non-confidence in the Tung administration, and the series of government blunders and failures over the past six years. The people have spoken. Mr. Tung, do you hear them? What Mr. Tung did was to issue a statement saying he was "very concerned"
about the mass protest and understood people's aspirations on the day
of the protest. On the day following the protest, 22 democratic legislators
called for a dialogue with the Chief Executive. We called for shelving
the plan to resume the second reading of the national security bill on
9 July, and urged for an early political review to speed up democratic
developments. He shunned calls from the media, met pro-government legislators,
and buried his head in the sand. Four days after the protest, he broke
the silence. He announced the decision to amend three of the controversial
amendments. Though it represents an attempt to water down the proposed
legislation, they fall far short of being adequate to protect our rights
and freedoms. The addition of the offence of sedition, that of handling
seditious publication, and a category of protected information relating
to Hong Kong affairs within the responsibility of the Central Authorities
and many other additions would curtail existing rights. But these additions
are left intact. His amendments came "too little, too late". Yeung Sum is chairman of the Democratic Party and a directly elected legislative councillor. 2003-07-06 Letter to Hong Kong |